Yasushi Watanabe: America Shaken by "Racial Discrimination"—Deciphering "White Nationalism"

In late May, I published "White Nationalism: The 'Cultural Backlash' Shaking America" (Chuko Shinsho). Coincidentally, the death of a young Black man due to police brutality occurred in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and the book went into a second printing within two weeks of its release.

This is my tenth single-authored book in Japanese, but unusually, I received a great deal of feedback from high school students this time, including several emails. I have had many opportunities to lecture at Mita-kai across the country, and among the respondents were the children and grandchildren of Keio University alumni I met there; I am once again deeply grateful for the connections within the Juku. I was impressed by the sincere way the younger generation, while bewildered by this incident and the trends of white nationalism, is trying to understand the background.

One characteristic of these protest demonstrations is that the younger generation played a central role. In recent years, American youth have been actively involved in issues surrounding social justice, such as gun control, climate change, economic inequality, and LGBTQ (sexual minority) rights. Incidentally, it was this generation that enthusiastically supported Senator Bernie Sanders, a radical leftist who identifies as a "democratic socialist," in the Democratic presidential primaries.

There are valid reasons for this. The quagmires of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, job insecurity caused by the Lehman Shock, widening inequality, skyrocketing tuition and medical costs, successive mass shootings in schools and elsewhere, and extreme weather. Furthermore, the current COVID-19 pandemic and racial discrimination issues. For many young people, the "American Dream" has become nothing more than a "myth."

In addition, scenes of White and Black people interacting as friends and colleagues in schools and workplaces have become commonplace. Consideration for diversity has become standard in television, movies, and advertising. Therefore, the impact of this incident was significant for the younger generation, and small solidarities formed through Social Network Services (SNS), eventually growing into a massive swell. This is also why there were many White participants in the protests.

This younger generation—the so-called Millennials (ages 25–40) and Gen Z (ages 10–24)—will become the largest voting block in this fall's presidential election and will be the ones leading the core of American society in 10 or 20 years. The sensibilities of this generation, which is sensitive to social justice, are shared by Japanese youth as well, though the background and degree may differ. Juku university students are no exception.

Furthermore, another characteristic of these protests was the succession of endorsements from famous corporations. While the U.S. has a stronger culture of expressing political will compared to Japan, it had never spread to this extent before.

Certainly, it is not hard to imagine that this death was so inhumane that it prompted a protest from an ethical standpoint. However, for private companies, the decision to express a stance on this issue likely also involved a desire not to be misunderstood as "abandoning social responsibility" or "tacitly approving of racial discrimination and human rights violations." In particular, the younger generation, whose proportion of the total U.S. population is increasing and whose influence as "customers" and "consumers" is growing, is important. Additionally, securing talented young human resources is essential for a company's future growth. In other words, it seems that both ethical and management judgments overlapped.

There is no need to view this cynically. For example, I believe one of the greatest changes in American society over the past 20 years has been the expansion of LGBTQ rights, and a similar dynamic was at work then. While there are complex factors such as debates over faith and ethics, political maneuvering, and court rulings, it cannot be denied that companies sensed changes in public opinion, and their decisions further pushed public opinion forward. In other words, it is the role of the market as a mediator of social change. For more on these points, please refer to my book published last year, "Libertarianism" (Chuko Shinsho).

However, the story is not that simple.

As empathy for "Black Lives Matter" (BLM) spread across the nation following this incident, wariness toward the protests also became apparent. And as movements became active to remove statues or names of figures associated with the Confederacy of the Civil War (1861–65), in addition to demands for police reform, backlash grew, particularly among White conservatives.

Voices saying, "They should be kept so that negative history is not forgotten," can be heard even from moderates. However, there are counterarguments: "Battlefields and graves are enough for preservation. The period when Confederate statues were erected is closely linked to the rise of white nationalism." Furthermore, some are questioning Thomas Jefferson (the 3rd U.S. President) for owning slaves and are calling for the removal of his statues and name.

Of course, there are rebuttals to that as well: "Jefferson was a man who worked hard to found the United States. On the other hand, the 'heroes' of the Confederacy were 'rebels' who tried to overthrow the Union. They should not be discussed on the same level." This is truly the American version of the historical recognition issue, taking on the appearance of a "culture war."

From the perspective of White conservatives, statues of Confederate heroes do not necessarily mean an endorsement of slavery. Rather, they are symbols of resistance against the tyranny of the Union (the federal government)—the "Lost Cause of the South." Removing those statues is equivalent to having one's own dignity denied.

Is White history something that is only to be denied and forgotten?

My book "White Nationalism" traces the origins of these feelings and their radical developments today.

Of course, it was impossible to predict this incident of police brutality at the writing stage. However, I did not write it on a total whim either. Since the last presidential election, how to understand the unconventional President Trump and the social and political background of the United States that pushed him to become the master of the White House has remained a concern of mine.

A one-man business owner who views everything as a deal. A popular reality show host skilled in theatrical methods. Both are likely correct.

However, I was always struck by President Trump's strong consciousness as a "White" person. It is well known that in the previous election, he appealed with slogans like "South American immigrants are criminals" and "building a wall on the Mexican border." He also frequently used coded language intended to inspire White conservatives, such as "the forgotten people" and "law and order." The famous Black author Ta-Nehisi Coates called him "America's first White president" because of this.

And in the last election, this "race card" or "divisive method" worked. Therefore, given the successful experience of four years ago, I thought he would appeal to the same card or method at some point in this election campaign as well. Even after the incident, seeing President Trump repeat "law and order" at every opportunity, I cannot help but sigh.

To speak even more candidly, since President Trump took office, I have felt a certain kind of frustration while being asked for my views by the media and related organizations almost every day. In other words, I did not choose the path of a researcher to react to his every move, desperately follow American news, reflexively commentate, and indulge in self-satisfaction. Unless I consider the tectonic shifts in American society and, by extension, democratic society that lie deeper beneath the surface, there is no reason for my existence as a scholar in the first place.

With those thoughts, the more President Trump engaged in flashy behavior, the further my own feelings drifted away from the daily information space and the world of current affairs commentary. Perhaps that was my own self-defense mechanism as a researcher. Being able to publish two books, "Libertarianism" and "White Nationalism," in these two years is, in a sense, thanks to President Trump. And I have nothing but gratitude for the publisher who accepted my vision.

Needless to say, my book does not glorify white nationalism. However, I did not intend to flatly deny it either. I placed emphasis on first "understanding" their worldview from the inside, and I intended to refrain from premature value judgments or commentary.

On the other hand, according to a joint poll conducted by Reuters and others two years ago, while 57% of Americans answered that "minorities are currently under attack in the U.S.," 43% also said "White people are under attack." Surprisingly, 8% said they "support white nationalism." 73% of domestic terrorism in the U.S. is carried out by radical white nationalists.

And white nationalism is not just an American problem; it is deeply connected to the rise of far-right populism and "country-first" ideologies in Europe. They share the point that population compositions and social orders centered on White people are being forced into major restructuring by globalization. Politics surrounding identity and values are becoming more radicalized and gaining weight.

My book uses a method of fleshing out fieldwork with white nationalists using documents and other materials. Students worry and ask, "Weren't you scared?" but many white nationalists are pro-Japan, and not a few were intellectual and gentlemanly. Narratives that unilaterally deny them and place oneself on a moral high ground seemed too insincere.

One white nationalist asked me this: "If millions of foreigners came into Japan, wouldn't Japanese people feel a sense of unease? And if you spoke out against it, how would you feel if you were labeled a 'Japanese supremacist' or a 'racist'?"

How would you all answer?

While conducting repeated interviews with them and writing my book, I was constantly thinking about myself and Japanese society.

Understanding others is understanding oneself; it is nothing other than finding oneself within the other and finding the other within oneself.

I would be happy if my book serves as an opportunity for such an inner dialogue.