How to View the Catalonia "Independence Issue"

The Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset once remarked, "The Catalonia problem cannot be solved; we can only learn to live with it." Whether or not that prophecy has come true, regional nationalism (Catalanism) is currently resurging in Catalonia, finally leading to a declaration of "independence" from Spain last autumn. Here, I would like to consider why regional nationalism has intensified and radicalized in Catalonia in the 21st century, focusing on the long-term social changes underlying this trend.

The first change is the rapid globalization of the economy and society. One aspect of this is the influx of immigrants. Spain has transformed from a country that once "sent out" emigrants to one that "receives" immigrants, with a surge in arrivals from all over the world since the start of the 21st century. Catalonia has accepted the largest number of these immigrants. While they are a necessary labor force for economic development, they also cause various social and cultural issues. Language is a particular concern. In the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, the native language (Catalan) is an official language, but in recent years, the proportion of Spanish speakers has increased compared to Catalan speakers. This is because the number of immigrants from Latin America, whose mother tongue is Spanish, has increased, and there is a growing trend to acquire and use Spanish as an international language second only to English. The international movement of people is shaking the language education model known as "Catalan immersion" that the regional government has implemented. Meanwhile, the central government in Madrid argues for improving Spanish language proficiency to enhance national and urban competitiveness amid economic globalization. This clash between the two languages, which could be called a "language war," has heightened the sense of crisis among Catalanists.

The second wave of globalization is "post-industrialization." In the 19th century, Catalonia was called the "factory of Spain" and prospered through the development of the cotton industry. Against this backdrop of economic power, a movement to revive its unique culture spread. This is the origin of Catalanism. However, as the center of industry shifted from manufacturing to finance and services, the capital, Madrid, began to gain not only political power but also economic (financial) power. To strengthen international competitiveness, infrastructure development such as airports, ports, railways, and roads is essential. However, a sense of unfairness smolders among Catalan residents, who feel that the returns from the state to the local region, such as public investment, are small compared to the taxes they pay to the country.

Furthermore, the economic dissatisfaction of Catalans intensified all at once after the 2008 Lehman Shock. Spain enjoyed a long economic boom starting in the 1990s. With the establishment of the Eurozone, low-interest foreign capital flowed in, and Catalonia—blessed with tourism resources and industries along the Mediterranean—benefited greatly from the bubble. On the other hand, the scars after the collapse were deep. The per capita fiscal deficit burden is nearly double the national average. Artur Mas, the former President of the Government of Catalonia, called for the construction of a "new Catalanism" as a "reaction" to these social and economic changes brought about by globalization. He proclaimed the "right to self-determination," stating that Catalans themselves should decide the future of Catalonia, and held a referendum on independence using a somewhat populist approach. Under his leadership, Catalonia steered significantly from "autonomy" toward "independence."

As a second long-term change, I would like to point to the generational shift. In the Spanish Constitution established in 1978, two different views of the state (unitary vs. pluralistic) coexist in a delicate balance. Under the Constitution, it was the "spirit of reconciliation" that made it possible to avoid conflict and achieve long-term political stability. This was an expression of the strong desire of the Spanish people to never repeat the civil war or dictatorship. However, forty years have passed since the enactment of the Constitution, and the generation that knows neither the civil war nor the dictatorship now makes up the majority of society. The "spirit of reconciliation" has weakened, and the political balance seems to have begun to collapse.

The center-left forces that led democratization for a long time have declined, and in their place, the center-right People's Party, which slogans "Spain is the only nation," has risen. This appears as a "threat" to Catalanists who seek a "pluralistic Spain" (the position that Spain consists of multiple nations). Traditionally, right-wing Spanish nationalism was equated with the Franco dictatorship, leading to a kind of allergy toward it. However, this too is fading due to the generational shift. Rather, stimulated by the issue of Catalan independence, Spanish nationalism is regaining its strength while linking itself to the claim of "defending the democratic Spanish Constitution."

After Catalonia declared "independence," the central government suspended Catalonia's autonomy. The independence issue has widened the gap between Catalonia and other regions of Spain and has created a rift within Catalonia itself between those for and against independence. Unfortunately, there is no prospect of restoring autonomy, and no movement toward repairing the rift is yet visible.

*Affiliations and titles are those at the time of publication.